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Lala Park
Author's Bio
Paul Lettow received an A.B. in history, summa cum laude, from Princeton University and Ph.D. in international relations from Oxford University. He has taught American history at Oxford University. He lives in Cambridge, Massachusetts, and the Washington, D.C., area. Lettow has gained access to declassified intelligence documents at the CIA, State Department, and the Pentagon. He then interviewed many of Reagan's closest advisors, among them White House Communications Director Michael Deaver and former Secretary of Defense Casper Weinberger.
Reagan's Dream
Ronald Reagan's Strategic Defense System (SDI) has always baffled scholars and critics. Some believe that SDI was merely a political plan. On the other hand, some believe that Reagan's proposals to control nuclear weapons were so radical that Reagan's advisors must have made them up to avoid negotiating with the Soviet Union. However, these assumptions failed to recognize how deeply devoted Reagan was to this cause. One of the most significant yet least understood aspects of his presidency, SDI sought to build up arms and in the larger scheme, "pressure the Soviet system and compel Soviet leaders into changing its system and reducing its nuclear weapons."1 In Ronald Reagan and His Quest to Abolish Nuclear Weapons, Paul Lettow creates a fresh portrayal of Reagan as a much more complex and idealistic leader than generally understood.
Ronald Wilson Reagan, born in 1911 in Tampico, was the second and last child of John Edward "Jack" Reagan, an Irish Catholic shoe salesman and Democrat supporter, and Nelle Wilson Reagan, an amateur actress and devoted member of the Disciples of Christ, a Protestant evangelical denomination. Although a bit introverted at first, Reagan quickly developed a genial personality that made him popular with his peers. Nelle Regan's religiousness deeply affected Reagan. When interviewed, Reagan commented that his "mother left [him] with a faith" that grew deeper and stronger as the years went on.2 Reagan carried a central message from his mother's belief and applied it to his own: "I was raised to believe that God has a plan for everyone." 3 This faith played a very important part in shaping Reagan's policy towards nuclear weapons, for he strongly believed that it was his destiny to protect the United States against the possibility of a nuclear war. Also, Reagan was influenced by his years as a teenage lifeguard. Reagan's lifesaving strengthened his future aims and instincts as a political leader to devote his career to saving as many lives as he possibly could. Reagan felt the need to "intervene in the course of events in order to rescue others from peril," and in time this increased his loathing of nuclear weapons.4 After World War II, Reagan was determined to use his speaking skills and political activism to fight against atomic weapons. He sponsored the Hollywood Independent Citizens Committee of Arts, Sciences and Professions, which consisted of high profile actors and liberal Democrats arguing for international control over atomic energy and for the abolition of atomic weapons. On August 25, 1945, soon after the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, Reagan signed on as an officer of the Hollywood chapter of the American Veterans Committee, a liberal political group that endorsed the cession of American nuclear power to the United Nations. As Reagan spent more time in Hollywood, he rapidly became anticommunist and was soon convinced that the Soviet Union sought to expand communism worldwide. Believing that President Jimmy Carter was taking a far too passive, defensive Cold War approach, Reagan called for a stronger and more confident Cold War approach when he was elected in 1980. Thus, in the summer of 1979, Reagan visited the North American Aerospace Defense Command, in Colorado Springs, Colorado, the U.S. military's center for tracking a potential nuclear attack. There he became interested in ABM technologies, missiles that could, by radar, track incoming Soviet missiles and destroy them before they hit the country. Focused on the vigorous research and development of an effective ballistic-missile system, Reagan was preparing the political ground for a missile defense decision in the future.
During 1981-1982, Reagan and his administration began creating a Soviet policy. The Soviet system, Reagan said, would not be able to withstand the economic and technological strain of an extensive, U.S.-led military competition. If the United States demonstrated its nuclear superiority over the USSR, the Soviet leadership could be forced to turn its attention to its economic problems and thus agree to make cuts in nuclear weapons. Reagan believed that the United States should challenge the Soviet system, not just the expansion of the Soviet's influence around the globe. In a letter to Brezhnev, leader of the Soviet Union, on May 1982, Reagan insisted that the name of the U.S.-Soviet negotiations on strategic arms should be changed from SALT (Strategic Arms Limitation Talks) to START (Strategic Arms Reduction Talks) to emphasize the need to cut the supply of nuclear arms and not just to stop their growth. In a letter back to Reagan, Brezhnev clearly repudiated the U.S. proposal, and thus tensions between the U.S. and the Soviet Union increased. With the Soviet Union unwilling to cooperate, Reagan signed the National Security Decision Directives (NSDD), in late August 1982, which established "a comprehensive approach to the Soviet Union that encompassed economic, political, and military strategies." 5 The NSDD outlined how the United States would change Soviet leaders' decision making, economic policy, political action, and foreign relations. Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs William Clark considered Reagan's introducing of the NSDD as innovative not only because it contained the Soviet Union externally, but also because it sought to "redirect its energies internally by using economic, political, and ideological pressure in this direction." 6 Reagan's policy did not simply want to contain communism globally but to roll it back, to weaken the Soviet system itself.
Thus, on March 23, 1983, Reagan proposed Strategic Defense Initiative (SDI), a ballistic missile defense system, that could spur negotiations in which both sides would agree to destroy their entire nuclear arsenals and share the missile defense as a form of insurance. Reagan believed that he would create a nuclear weapons-free world through SDI. During a press conference, Reagan said that the United States was going to continue disarmament to persuade expansionists "to come forth and join the family of nations that want[ed] to go forward together in peace and freedom." 7 By this Reagan was creating a new direction in American foreign policy. However, in the wake of Reagan's announcement of SDI, several of his administration's officials were wary of and perplexed by Reagan's initiative. Many advisors thought Reagan's belief that all nuclear weapons should be eliminated was impossible and ridiculous. Even though Reagan faced opposition in his own administration, he held firmly to his own purpose for and vision of SDI. Reagan followed the advice of various advisors only when it would help him accomplish his goals.
Reagan finally had an active discussion with the Soviet Union at the Geneva Summit with Gorbachev, held from November 19 to 21, 1985. Many were startled at the extent of the interaction and dialogue between the two leaders. Hardly anyone beside Reagan and Gorbachev spoke during the meetings. At the summit, Reagan believed that SDI posed an economic threat in the eyes of Soviet leaders and passionately advocated its idealistic visions of peace. Gorbachev, on the other hand, denounced American delusions of the USSR and was certain that the USSR could take care of its own problems. At Reykjavik, Gorbachev again refused to cut nuclear arms unless he could stop SDI. Reagan was discouraged and wrote in his memoirs that at Reykjavik, "[his] hopes for a nuclear-free world soared briefly, [and] then fell during one of the longest, most disappointing--and ultimately angriest--days of [his] presidency." 8 Reagan believed that even though Gorbachev was willing to accept deep reductions in nuclear arms, he was trying to "kill" SDI. Even though SDI was not exactly successfully, Reagan was able to negotiate the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty in 1987, which eliminated an entire category of nuclear weapons for the first time.
Through this book, Paul Lettow revises the reader's understanding of Reagan's motives. Before Reagan even came into the presidency, he held audacious, unorthodox views regarding nuclear weapons and U.S. policy toward the Soviet Union. Reagan's nuclear abolitionism was visionary, even utopian. Even in the face of harsh criticisms, Reagan determinedly pursued his ideas for U.S. policy. He intended that SDI would begin the complete elimination of nuclear weapons. Reagan believed that the United States and the Soviet Union could negotiate reductions nuclear weapons and thus, "internationalize" the defense system by sharing it with other countries. By pursuing these ideas, Reagan brought "a string of major, distinctive turn in U.S. foreign and national security policy." 9 Even today, SDI exists under the name Ballistic Missile Defense Organization. Only now is Reagan's quest to abolish nuclear weapons becoming widely known. Paul Lettow reveals the irony of Reagan's dream, a dream that required that the United States win the arms race against the Soviet Union in order to bring about the complete annihilation of nuclear weapons.
Even though Paul Lettow was far too young to have voted for Ronald Reagan, with thorough research and interviews with former Reagan officials, Lettow creates a very accurate narrative that spans the start of Reagan's presidency to the 1986 Reykjavik summit. Lettow interviewed "four of his six national security advisories, both of his ambassadors to the USSR, and both of his defense secretaries."10 Also, with access to recently declassified intelligence documents at the CIA, State Department, and the Pentagon, and security documents from the Reagan presidency, Lettow takes much of his information and quotes from these documents. Lettow displays no biases concerning Reagan or the Soviet Union, looking at both from an open perspective. Also having been published the book in 2005, Lettow looks at Reagan and his presidency in an unbiased fashion.
In The Los Angeles Times editorial writer Jacob Heilbrunn's review of Ronald Reagan and His Quest to Abolish Nuclear Weapons, Heilbrunn sees that Paul Lettow wanted to show the reader that Reagan was far from being "Silly Putty in the hands of his advisers" and was in fact "a thoughtful leader who manipulated them."11 Lettow emphasizes the belief that Reagan was extremely dedicated to SDI not to create American military superiority, but to accomplish his utopian dream of a nuclear weapon-less world. Even though Lettow skillfully and thoroughly accounts administration quarrels, Heilbrunn believes that Lettow does not provide enough "context for Reagan's actions."12 According to Heilbrunn, Lettow fails to mention very important information like the nuclear freeze movement of the early 1980s, which sparked opposition to Reagan's military buildup and helped lead him towards arms-control efforts. Lettow also fails to mention Nancy Reagan's influence on Ronald Reagan's actions and also the fact that Reagan expended billions of dollars and decades of research on what has proved to be a complete letdown. Nevertheless, Heilbrunn states that Lettow accomplishes his goal to show that Reagan was widely misunderstood by his critics and his supporters.
In former columnist at the London Times and current member of the American Enterprise Institute Geoffrey Smith's review of Lettow's book, Smith argues that Lettow does not
get "as up close and personal" but merely bases his book on "detailed research of the written record and a range of interviews."13 Smith notes that Lettow was concerned not specifically with the end of the Cold War, but with the attempt to get rid of nuclear weapons. However, Smith does recognize that Lettow pays warm tribute to Margaret Thatcher in his book but fails to commend her large role in ending the Cold War as she deserves. Besides his opinion that more credit should have been given to Thatcher, Geoffrey Smith agrees that Lettow succeeded in showing Reagan's true intentions for SDI. However, as a British commentator, Smith probably did have some biases towards Lettow's scanty tribute to Margaret Thatcher, one of the greatest prime ministers of the United Kingdom.
I believe that Lettow did fulfill his purpose to show a new and refreshing portrayal of Reagan. Lettow accurately describes all the events leading up to SDI. We see SDI for what it truly was: a full-on assault against nuclear weapons, both politically and ideologically. We also see how Ronald Reagan presided over every element, large and small. Reagan took more force and leadership than people give him credit for. On the other hand, I believe that Lettow could have done a better job exploring some more influences on Reagan's actions besides his life guarding and his faith. As noted in Heilbrunn's review, Lettow silently passed over "Nancy Reagan's efforts to push her husband to adopt a more emollient approach."14 More information on people like Nancy, instead of a series of plans and meetings, would have given a much fuller explanation to Reagan's motives.
According to Lettow, Reagan brought about great change in American politics. Reagan strongly adhered to his vision of SDI and thus helped better relations with the Soviet Union. Reagan proposed to Gorbachev that they eliminate all nuclear arms. Even though Gorbachev agreed, he insisted that SDI would have to be cut. Even though Reagan was deeply disappointed that the future of SDI seemed bleak, many of his aids believed that Reykjavik was "a turning point after which Gorbachev was more willing to change Soviet policies."15 Reagan's dream of a nuclear-free world protected by an internationalized missile defense is unrealized. Yet many of his other goals have been accomplished. Reagan successfully negotiated the INF Treaty, which eliminated an entire category of nuclear weapons for the first time and also laid the groundwork for the START Treaty, the first agreement to reduce strategic nuclear weapons. Under Gorbachev the Soviet leadership did undertake some reforms that changed the Soviet system. The United States and Russia, no longer enemies, have concluded several agreements to make large cuts in their nuclear arsenals. The Soviet Union is now no more, and its threat to the United States is now very small. The present day United States missile defense effort derives from Reagan's initiative because of his determination to achieve his goals, even though they seemed strange and unorthodox at the time. With the end of the Soviet Union, America has benefited from Reagan's presidency, for without him, we would not have as good and steady relations with Russia as we do today.
I also believe that Reagan made an important mark in American politics. Even though discussions with Brezhnev and Gorbachev were not always successful, Reagan persevered and did not give up on his dream to create a nuclear-free world. Reagan was man of "bold, original ideas."16 By following his instinct and unorthodox views, Reagan made a more efficient and prosperous economy and a peaceful end to the Cold War.
Today, Ronald Reagan is "still one of the most popular presidents."17 With such high morals, Reagan was dedicated to protecting the future of the United States instead of being just another American, Reagan strove for a higher purpose. He still sets an example for those looking to find their destinies. We live in a world that Ronald Reagan did much to bring about.
Endnotes
1. Lettow, Paul. Ronald Reagan and his Quest to Abolish Nuclear Weapons. New York: Random House, 2005, xi.
2. Lettow, Paul 8.
3. Lettow, Paul 8.
4. Lettow, Paul 10.
5. Lettow, Paul 75.
6. Lettow, Paul 79.
7. Lettow, Paul 123.
8. Lettow, Paul 226.
9. Lettow, Paul xi.
10. Lettow, Paul x.
11. Heilbrunn, Jacob. "'Ronald Reagan and His Quest to Abolish Nuclear Weapons': In a Galaxy Far, Far Away." The New York Times 13 Feb. 2005. 4 June 2005 < http://www.nytimes.com
/2005/02/13/books/review/13HEILBRU.html?ex=1181102400&en=57191614a65e51e2&ei=5070>, 1.
12. Heilbrunn, Jacob 2.
13. Smith, Geoffrey. "Who won the war? (Ronald Reagan and His Quest to Abolish Nuclear Weapons)(Reagan and Gorbachev: How the Cold War Ended)." The National Interest 13 Feb. 2005. HighBeam Encyclopedia. 4 June 2005 , 2.
14. Heilbrunn, Jacob 2.
15. Lettow, Paul 247.
16. Lettow, Paul 247.
17. Lettow, Paul ii.
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