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Mildred Lima
Author's Bio
David R. Maciel completed his undergraduate studies in anthropology at San Diego State University and graduate studies on Latin America and history at the University of Arizona and University of California, Santa Barbara. Maciel is a professor of history at the University of New Mexico. Maciel has received two Fullbright teaching and research postdoctoral fellowships and other research fellowships. He has written over five books and eight journals, currently serving as a coeditor for a multiauthor book, and completing a history of Mexican cinema.
Across the Dividing Line
Chicanas/Chicanos at the Crossroads written by David R Maciel provides an array of topics concerning the aftermath of the Chicano movement. It emphasizes the rapid incline of Latino immigration and examines how this incline has been paving the way for other crucial elements of the Chicano movement--the rise of anti-immigrant sentiment, political battles, and conservatism. "Decade of the Hispanic," a pivotal declaration made in the 1980s, is also an integral component of the book, explaining in each chapter, in a different perspective, that this statement was a fa?ade because of the barriers placed upon the community.1 In fact, Maciel states, " [The 1980s] would be many things, but certainly not the Decade of the Hispanic."2 In the end, Maciel tries to portray the constant societal disproportion affecting the Latino community.
Maciel splits his book into four components to cover a full range of effects and inequalities that occurred within the Latino community after the increase of Latin American immigration into the U.S. One of the parts concerns economics and the beginning immigration of Latin Americans. The growing momentum of the 1970s to the 1980s grew from "4.5 percent to 6.4 percent" and from the 1980s to the 1990s grew by 53 percent, initiating concern over immigrants.3 Famous magazines, ranging from U.S. News &World Reports to Time Magazine had covers in the 1980s with titles like "Invasion from Mexico: It just keeps growing" and "The New Immigrants: How They're Affecting Us." "Invasion from Mexico" had a cover photo of three men carrying two women and a man across some shallow water," giving use to the demeaning name "wetbacks." 4 A resulting concern from exaggerations from media and politicians became "the effect of immigration on citizen workers."5 Latinos are vital source of participation in the labor force, obtaining the "highest labor force participation rates." However, "their work experiences are most concentrated in job categories and wage ladders offering little hope for a sturdy foothold above the poverty line," illustrating Latinos as not being a threat to Americans who--more than likely--held better jobs. This also provided evidence to the disadvantages of being a non-native of America, and the oppression under higher-ranking employment managers and politicians who allowed this to occur. 6
The second component of the book emphasizes the 1980s during which activism had to contend with politicians. It began with the election of Ronald Reagan in 1980, when the "loss of the Senate to the Republicans, the emergence of the New Right, the loss of nerve by liberal politicians...the restlessness of the lay public over minority rights [and] immigration," became a setback for the Latino community.7 Furthering this idea, activists "sought additional legislation for meeting the needs of the new immigrants, [fighting] to maintain existing funding levels for special educational programs," asking federal agencies to become assertive in becoming more responsive to Latino needs.8 Due to this, there were advances such as the infamous 1986 amnesty law known as the Reform and Control Act of 1986, which was made to "stem the flow of undocumented immigrants," and allow legalization of undocumented migrants who have worked in the U.S. since 1982.9 This resulted in organizations such as the Mexican American Legal Defense and Education Fund, League of United Latin American Citizens, and the American GI Forum which would play vital role in coming together to take action against the political administration of the time. Most importantly, this also molded the bond amongst Latin Americans who were fighting for the same rights.
The third segment is based on education provided for first and second-generation Latin American immigrant children. Despite the Reform and Control Act of 1986, those granted residency were barred for a five-year period from receiving any type of welfare assistance. Therefore, providing immigrant children with a well-funded education was less feasible, especially since Latino parents were only accessible to low wage jobs. This reinforced the oppression of Reagan's administration, and later Bush's administration. To make matters worse, the "strengthened and expanded" bilingual education of the 1970s was diminished by the promotion of the 1980s "monolingualism and monoculturalism." 10 Reagan and Bush's administrations calls for conservatism hindered progression further. In spite of "biased testing and discriminatory placement of [Latinos]...and segregation and of unequal finding," MALDEF was pivotal in changing discrimination.11 Defeats such as Plyer v. Doe, in which MALDEF argued that the exclusion of immigrant children violated the Fourteenth Amendment, were rare but Plyer v. Doe became known as "best victory" of the 1980s. 12The terminations of successes such as bilingual education demonstrate the impediment placed in front Latin American immigrants.
The fourth section speaks on behalf of the women's struggle during the growth of Latin Americans in the U.S. The 1970s and 1980s were decades where growth was implemented in both "feminist and Latina scholarship on the family," calling attention to the value of "waged work, housework, and control over household income."13 This was a vital moment for a Latina woman who could have been over taken by the "machismo", or cowardly control of a woman of that time frame. 14 Additionally, many social scientists have "observed and documented female dominant patterns," presenting the woman as the head of the Latino family.1.5 However, there are women who invoke "traditional norms that are no longer practiced," showing the unbalanced spectrum of the woman's role in both the native and new country.16 The section emphasizes the inaccuracy of a Latino family being "male-dominated, [or even slightly] ...based on rigid gender roles," for this would be a failure to understand the culture of the changing Latino family.17
Maciel conveys his idea of the Latino culture and its role in America. He takes concern over the late 1970s and early 1980s, which are the starting years of rapid Latin immigration into the U.S. As a result, Maciel believes that "much has been accomplished, yet challenges still remain."18 Maciel writes this book to depict the ways in which the Latino community has prevailed--economically, politically, and socially--in a new country; however, he also demonstrates how those same ways--economically, politically, and socially--are preventing the growth of the Latino community. Maciel recognized the turn of politics in the 1980s back to conservatism and dominance of Reagan's plan of reform as creating more problems for Latinos and also saw it as an unfair circumstance for Latinos to be placed in. Latinos were forced to confront earlier issues in the face of a more conservative political atmosphere; for example, "civil rights affirmative action, bilingual education, labor organizing...immigration came under constant attack," although it was believed to have been a battle and achievement of the past.19 Additionally, Maciel portrays America as a country that continues to hold back immigrants, especially the Latino community. In fact, MALDEF took more aggressive steps in "develop[ing] and implement[ing] a two-year strategy to prevent passage of Reagan-administration-conceived amendment[s]," including Reagan's proposal to limit access of poor people to courts, adding restrictions to the Bilingual Education Act, and cutbacks of federal education programs that sought to gain access to higher education for Latinos.20
The conclusions and deductions made by Maciel come from a variety of sources. Maciel uses other Chicano-oriented books to help reinforce his ideas; moreover, he uses Latinos who have first-handedly experienced the issues being talked about. Maciel is a professor of diverse subjects including "Chicano history and modern Latin America"; moreover, he has been a visiting professor in places such as Mexico City and Guadalajara and has written books on topics from the U.S.-Mexican border to culture of Chicanos.21 Both historiography and the background of Maciel have an influence on his perspective. Ultimately, through his vast knowledge regarding the Chicano community, he is lenient and understanding toward the side he identifies more with rather than the opposing side. Because of this, throughout the book, the reader can see both the negative and positive effects of a modifying country, as it takes its toll on the Latino community.
Presenting Chicanas/Chicanos at the Crossroad's strengths and weakness, Francisco H. Vazquez, from the Pacific Historical Review, discusses on behalf of the adequately addressed and the substance that is lacking within the book. Vazquez believes that Chicanas/Chicanos at the Crossroad is a "map with several important points of entry, routes, and crossroads," illustrating his view on the book as being a positive experience, for it effectively covers the majority of the important Latino events. 22 Moreover, Vazquez expands on the ideas conveyed in the book stating, " The demographic and economic panorama presents a growing population [because of immigration and natural increase]...that works had but cannot attain parity in education, health, jobs, or financial and political capital." 23 This shows the effectiveness of Maciel's work, for it has influenced Vazquez and ultimately made Vazquez agree with the book's main idea: Latinos have been placed in a whirlwind of misfortunes. Although most of Vazquez's comments praised Maciel's ability to fully evaluate the Latino community, Vazquez did, however, believe that Maciel lacked the ability to tie all "implicit themes" together, leaving a feeling of incompletion to the book.24 Nevertheless, Vazquez was able to understand the point Maciel was trying to make: "unless government and private policies are put into place immediately, Chicana/os are destined to be left largely to low-wage, limited-skill jobs...whose numbers will continue to decline."25
Unlike Vazquez, Alma M. Garcia, professor at Santa Clara University, has a more harsh critique regarding the book. Although Garcia does mention that Chicanas/Chicanos at the Crossroads "address[es] key issues facing Mexican immigrant and Mexican American communities [and other Latin American communities]," she believes they were not adequately addressed and biased.26 Moreover, Garcia believes that the selected few who are used to incorporate a fragment of their knowledge on the subject are not adequately suited for the task and Maciel fails in finding fitting Chicana/o scholars, though he would have benefited more from it. Garcia believes the views and stance of the writer are stuck in past eras that need to be modernized; more specifically, Garcia states, " it remains...trapped in a theoretical and ideological time warp of the 1960s," showing her dissatisfaction with the end result of the book.27 But, she did believe there were elements of the book worthy of reading like the "demographic and economic trends" section of the book.28 Garcia was satisfied with this fraction of the book because it reveals the "limited societal advancement" of this group of people--the main purpose of the book.29 Unfortunately, this did not sway her to regard Maciel's work as the proclaimed "state of the art" book it has been called.30
Chicanas/Chicanos at the Crossroads is effective in addressing the two colliding worlds of Latin America and America and fulfills its' meaning behind its' title, as Latinos are stuck in between a crossroads. Maciel's work explains in diverse ways how the Latino community is at a crossroads economically, socially, and politically. Maciel uses a great amount of outside information to reinforce his ideas and thoughts; thus it shows the amount of knowledge he has on this particular community. Moreover, Maciel's ability to tie in a large quantity of themes and central ideas into one book is beneficial to the reader in encompassing a broad range of topics; as he discusses his themes and ideas, Maciel points towards his thesis--lingering obstacles still hinder progress and advancement. Although overall the book satisfactorily addresses key issues, individual sections fail to do so. Particularly, the book fails to bring new issues, ideas, and conclusions about the community. The redundancy of this book and many others like it lies in its failure to bring in new information or innovative inferences. Though, the book provides
"an inclusive, multidisciplinary, and state-of-the-art volume by bringing together major Chicana/o Studies...whose research analyzes persistent sources of societal inequality," it does not leave a lasting impression on the reader. 31
The 1970s were pivotal for the growth of Latin Americans. This is evident as "the first in depth studies of Chicano conditions appeared in 1970s," demonstrating the rising concern for this society.32 It was a turning point because it presented the Chicano Movement as an integral part of American history and this community was given its deserved importance. However, in the 1980s there were setbacks; fortunately, by the 1990s "Latinos became an important part of the economy, achieving inroads into a broad spectrum of enterprises...[and] made up 7.6 percent of all workers [in America]," projecting the change in attitude of politicians and Americans alike.33 Economically, Latinos had "high rates of labor-force participation" by the 1990s, fulfilling their position as contributors to the economy. 34 However, Latinos were paid approximately one third lower than a non- Latino. Discrimination lingered in the work force. This would lead to effective activism on part of the Latinos to reform discrimination and segregation. Activism would become a new plateau for reform and change, making this a watershed moment between the 1970s and 2000. Since then on, Latinos were a vocal point to notice for their new enrollment in politics and economics, which was not issued to them when Latin American immigration first rose. However, Maciel believes there is much more that needs to be resolved in America today concerning Latin Americans.
The impact of Latin American immigration is significant to the America we know today. Between 1970s and end of 1990s there have been successes that have marked Latin Americans as crucial patrons of America. Economically, Latinos prevailed from the 70s to the 80s, for Latino households with "incomes of $50,000 increased by 234 percent between 1972 and 1988", illustrating the progress of Latinos..35 Culturally, Latinos became a vital factor to America because more Latin Americans were in the U.S. by natural increase and immigration. However, such a dominant culture also brought forth the process of assimilation and made America become known as a melting pot, or a blend of cultures. Today, because of their multiple advancements throughout the years, Americans recognize Latin migrants as citizens that have prevailed amongst obstacles. As evidence, there are politicians in high positions who are Latino-oriented, among them are L.A.'s current mayor Antonio Villaragoisa and current U.S. treasurer Anna Escobedo Cabral. This is evidence that earlier achievements are now the foundation for a continuous change for more Latino college graduates, more Latino politicians, and more Latino leaders.
It is evident there are obstacles such as immigration policies, presently and historically, that have sent a clear message of marginalization of people of color, working poor, and immigrants. Ultimately, there have been many triumphs since the dominance of Anglo-Saxons, but there continues to be many barriers that need to be defeated in hopes of a continued prosperity within the Latino community. The Latino community has yet to see complete equality with neighboring Americans. Nevertheless, Maciel provides acknowledgement--through the book Chicana's at the Cross roads--to the triumphs that occurred from the 1970s through 2000, and believes there will continue to be a thrive for a continuous thread of battles for reform. Everyday, many head towards America in hopes of a better future of obtaining the American dream. Unfortunately, "immigration...is one of the most controversial issues in contemporary America," that will persist in maltreat those with high hopes and dreams until society can get past this counterproductive and cynical government, refusing to allow many a step higher in the social hierarchy.36
Endnotes
1. Maciel, David R. Chicanas/Chicanos at the Crossroads. Tucson: The University of Arizona Press, 1996, X (introduction).
2. Maciel, David R X (introduction)
3. Maciel, David 26.
4. Maciel, David 34.
5. Maciel, David 35.
6. Maciel, David 13.
7. Maciel, David 165.
8. Maciel, David 166.
9. Maciel, David 31.
10. Maciel, David 167.
11. Maciel, David 171.
12. Maciel, David 169.
13. Maciel, David 222
14. Maciel, David 214.
15. Maciel, David 222.
16. Maciel, David 222.
17. Maciel, David 222.
18. Maciel, David Introduction.
19. Maciel, David X (introduction).
20. Maciel, David 110.
21. Maciel, David About the Editors.
22. Acu?a, Rodolfo F. Pacific Historical Review:147.
23. Acu?a, Rodolfo F. Pacific Historical Review: 147
24. Acu?a, Rodolfo F. Pacific Historical Review: 147
25. Acu?a, Rodolfo F. Pacific Historical Review: 147
26. Garcia, Alma M. Transaction Publishers, Inc, 1998.
27. Garcia, Alma M. Transaction Publishers, Inc, 1998.
28. Garcia, Alma M. Transaction Publishers, Inc, 1998.
29. Garcia, Alma M. Transaction Publishers, Inc, 1998.
30. Garcia, Alma M. Transaction Publishers, Inc, 1998.
31. Garcia, Alma M. Transaction Publishers, Inc, 1998.
32. Maciel, David 61.
33. Maciel, David 68.
34. Maciel, David 68.
35. Maciel, David 69.
36. Maciel, David 3.
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