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Alec Tewsley-Booth
Author's Bio
None provided
Gorbachev's Folly
Madeleine Albrights' discourse on religion, The Mighty and the Almighty, addresses the controversial issues in our world of religion and religious interactions. Since the 1970s both the United States and the world as a whole have been experiencing a dramatic shift towards conservatism that has infused many with a surge of religious zeal. Albright attempts to explain this phenomenon, and because, as Bill Clinton explains, she "is unafraid to take on hard issues or to speak her mind," her book evokes deep feeling and provokes serious thought on a controversial, yet important, topic.1 Many people oppose her liberal tendencies and secular beliefs, but nonetheless, Albright continues to publish her unconventional thoughts. Her openness and powerful presence are refreshing in the modern world of terror, fear, and God.
Albrights' first section of The Mighty and the Almighty, "God, Liberty, Country," examines the sweeping religious phenomenon affecting our own country. She begins by explaining to the reader that we are part of an incredibly mighty nation, perhaps the mightiest the world has ever seen. She warns, however, that power is one thing, but that claiming this power is due to the will of God is another thing entirely. Albrights' dire warning not to believe "God is on our side," as ex-President Nixon claimed, comes at a good time, when Americans seem to think they can act with impunity in the world under a divine mandate. She goes on to rationalize that even if we are not divinely imbued, there is no danger in worship and belief as long as people recognize and respect that everyone has the right to their own religion, including the right to worship and believe in what they choose. She believes that "we have...the right to ask 每 but never insist or blithely assume 每 that God bless America."2 She goes on to address what she considers to be the cause of the rise in religious zeal 每 the Religious Right. Although she makes some controversial remarks, Albrights' statement that the super-conservative Christian movement has to either adapt or disband remains valid. In this time of uncertainly and poor religious relations, we must be more open and accepting of people whose faith and beliefs differ from our own.
The next section of the book, "Cross, Crescent, and Star," examines the relationships between the three Abrahamic faiths in the world. Thoroughly immersing herself in the study of Islam, Albright summarizes some of the fundamental beliefs and rich history of the religion to which the United State is so vehemently opposed. She goes to great lengths to remind us that, if unchecked, the religious conflict "will exacerbate a confrontation that extends far beyond the Middle East and threatens truly to shake the globe."3 She goes on to try to find the reason behind this source of this imminent opposition and, in short, decides it is the product of shortsighted American policies concerning the Middle East, like the installation of the Shah of Iran during the Cold War, and our unwavering support of Israelis in the Israel-Palestine conflict. The confrontation started during the Cold War, when Americas' view was that we knew what was best for the entire world. By installing the Shah in Iran, we directly linked ourselves with a non-religious figurehead that the people of Islam grew to hate and associate with Godlessness and heathenism. Although our relations with Muslims everywhere seemed to improve after the Iranian revolution, we were still on hostile terms with Fundamentalist Islam. This group, led by people like Osama Bin Laden and forces like Al Qaeda, tried vehemently to destroy the United States, or at least our influence in the Middle East. The new wave of terrorist attacks is the precursor to that effort.
Although Albright admits she is not sure how to solve the problem, she does present some interesting ideas on how to ease the conflict. She first reminds us that, like most of the world, the Middle East is an area soaked in traditions that go deeper than any government or war. On of these traditions is a tradition of strong connection with God. By rooting out and fighting Islamic fundamentalists, the United States appears to have declared a Jihad, or a religious war, on Islam as a whole. After the terrorist bombings, worldwide Muslim approval of the United States was very high, but after only a few years of war in Iraq and Afghanistan, those ratings have plummeted. Immediately following the attacks on the Twin Towers, worldwide Muslim support ratings were around 75 percent. By 2005, and George W. Bush's second term of office, that percentile had fallen to about 30%. Albrights' opinion is that "it would be a mistake to believe terrorism is primarily a military threat," although she admits that deadly force can occasionally be used to great effect.4 She concludes this section with a generalization that it will take more than just might to make this conflict right.
In the "Final Reflections" section of this book, Albright creates an extended paraphrasing of her previous statements and leaves the reader with some thoughts, concerning the state of the nation, the world, and our relationship with God. Concluding her book-wide allusion to John Winthrop's "City upon a Hill" speech, Albright hopes America will not strive to be a city upon a hill, but rather "toward a globe on which might and right are close companions and where dignity and freedom are shared by all."5 The danger presented by the United States is our long history of such notions as Winthrop's "city upon a hill." He believed that it would be the duty of the pilgrims newly arrived to the New World to form a society that the whole world would look to for guidance and inspiration. However, during the Cold War, this notion was taken to an extreme when America decided to force other nations to get the guidance from us, and against the Soviet Union. The Mighty and the Almighty addresses these concerns to help ease tensions not only between Islam and the United States, but also between the rest of the world and America. Albright warns in her afterword that our reputation in the world is at stake, and that, regardless of what politicians and presidents might say, the opinion of the entire world matters. Albrights' warnings come down to a simple message of humility and understanding when dealing with other cultures. As a former representative in the United Nations, Albright knows what the world thinks of us, and that pervading opinion is that we are a haughty, sanctimonious race. We must, Albright implies, change our ways of interacting with the world to change this villainous reputation.
Albrights' main purpose in writing this book was to open the eyes of Americans who see Islam as an evil force. By going beyond current events and examining the causes of our current predicament in the Middle East, she attempts to ease the resentment against the Middle East and Muslims. She is trying, in short, to convince people that "our religious convictions can erase the age old dividing lines."6 Although this is a noble goal, the problem is that the majority of Americans are biased in both thought and opinion. Albright attributes this to the rise of the Religious right, and more importantly, the events of September 11th. The wave of anti-Muslim sentiment that followed, characterized by hate crimes and discrimination, prompted Albright to write this book, about pure Islam and why it is not a threat to the American form of government, nor to the world as a whole. However, not everyone shares Albrights' optimistic view. Members of the super-conservative movement have long been attacking Albrights' moderate liberal views concerning international policy. In many cases, Albrights' resentment at these attacks comes forth in the form of counter-attacks on these very people. In fact, she dedicates an entire chapter of The Mighty and the Almighty to addressing cases made by her enemies against her. Even though she defends herself and even attacks conservatives, Albright keeps a logical and knowledgeable tone that is a testament to her thorough understanding of world affairs.
Liberal press members tend to find Albright rational and intelligent. According to Tara McKelvey of The New York Times, "[Albrights'] positions are reasonable and enlightened."7 McKelveys' assessment is that this is a crucial book that was written in the write way at the write time, even if at times it can seem a bit standard. Albright does a very good job of keeping a level head and a professional, dignified tone; she comes across as being very well educated in her field. Imam Feisal Abdul Rauf adds, "This critically important book is a must-read for anyone who cares about the future of American foreign policy."8 Again, Rauf offers a good opinion of Albrights' book. Albright offers views that incorporate powerful examples from her days in the United Nations and as Secretary of State. Her unique insight and history make her especially well qualified to speak on subjects of international relations and diplomacy. However, her wide base of professional experience and personal familiarity leads her to use many wordy and boring anecdotes, confusing and exacerbating her audience.
As valid as Albrights' points are, she has a habit of heavily relying on statistics or personal experiences. McKelvey notes this, saying "at times the prose evokes a Center for American Progress special report and, on other occasions, a United Nations fact sheet, filled with bland quotations, rhetorical questions."9 Her writing also seems at times to be United Nations propaganda. Regardless of how most people feel, some conservatives feel that membership in the United Nations is not a position beneficial to the United States, and that Madeleine Albright is a puppet of an international attempt to control the government through the Security Council. Even though this is a blatantly false accusation, Albright does not do much to console the Religious Right or super-conservatives. Instead, her writing focuses on preaching peace and world cooperation, and defending herself from right wing attacks. Finally, her writing tends to repeat itself, giving the reader the sense that she thinks she is superior and needs to explain events to the reader like he/ she was a child, which does nothing to help her case and only further alienates some of her audience.
Throughout this book, Albright mentions how the last few decades have been a watershed in our conception of the current direction of world history. She recalls that her friends were "alarmed about the gap in understanding that has opened between predominantly Islamic societies and the West."10 She also points out that, until the Iranian revolution and the rise of Al Qaeda, she and most other international diplomats thought that Islam and religion in general was on a downward path in terms of power and influence in world affairs. However, the past few decades have proven otherwise, and that there is now more than ever a need for understanding and religious toleration. In light of current events, modern America and modern Fundamentalist Islam are in no mood to open the tables for brotherhood and understanding. Her take on events, though, suggests that the war on terror, and the jihad on the West will boil themselves down to nothing, thereby leaving the grounds open for negotiation. This, albeit wishful thinking, is exactly the hopeful attitude we need in leadership for our country in these trying times. This interpretation is not only logical and ethical, but also moral enough that anyone not predisposed to dislike Albright would think her proposed course of action a prime solution to our problems.
This book is a great assessment of modern global affairs. The modern era has been an American watershed because of the dramatic shift to conservatism and religious sentiments. Wherever one goes, and whatever one says, great thought and care must be given to make sure one is being both politically correct and conservatively aligned, or he/ she risks attacks by Christian fundamentalists or conservative rabble rousers. Liberalism and secularism have been turned from the great hallmarks of a great democracy into objects of ridicule and disgust. Although Albright says "most of us do not want our leaders confusing their own will with God's," many find that the truth is the exact opposite.11 It seems that the majority of Americans want our government to tell us that we are on a divine mission from God, and that we cannot fail. Even if we are in a time of confusion and fear, we cannot afford to have a religious leader, Like George W. Bush, declaring a Jihad on a fundamentalist Islam government.
Not everyone agrees on the best way to handle the current affairs. Albrights' viewpoint suggests that the best course of action would be to acknowledge "the most powerful force in the world is mans' desire to be free."12 But the idea that men and women desire freedom is just as stereotypical as the idea that they desire equality, or that they desire brotherhood. Each person's ultimate goal in life is to be part of a larger whole, a group, or anything that gives him or her a feeling of security. In short, each person wants to be part of a divine product. In order to solve this particular world conflict, one of two things must happen. The first, but most unlikely, possibility is that all people will spontaneously realize that humanity, as a whole, is the perfect divine unity. The other possibility is that a powerful nation will force every person in the world to be part of its indoctrinated whole. While this may be a technical possibility for our nation at this time, it goes against everything that the United States stands for. Conflict will exist as long as there are two people in the world. Considering that people need time to adjust back to a state of equilibrium, the best course of action is merely to try to mitigate any destruction as much as possible, and to try to prevent the occurrence of as many heinous acts as possible. Our world will need to continue these until its population slowly comes to realize that humanity is the whole to which they so desperately wish to belong.
Madeleine Albrights' The Mighty and the Almighty is a much-needed book in the modern world of fear and misunderstanding. If we all just took a moment to stand back and reflect on what started the global crisis, America would not be in such a universally opposed position, both internally and internationally. Albright ends her book with the hopeful sentiment, "[I will never] stop believing (or praying) that we recover our balance and being again 每 and soon 每 to command the worlds' respect, and our own."13 We must always remember we are part of the world, and that the rest of the worlds' view of our country is important. We must not, as Albright says, be a city upon a hill. We must be a beacon of hope for all those in the world who hope for change, acceptance, and, above all, peace.
Endnotes
1. Albright, Madeleine. The Mighty and the Almighty: Reflections on America, God, and World Affairs. Harper Perennial: New York, 2007, ix (Preface by Bill Clinton).
2. Albright, Madeleine 32.
3. Albright, Madeleine 144.
4. Albright, Madeleine 199.
5. Albright, Madeleine 292.
6. Albright, Madeleine xii (Preface).
7. McKelvey, Tara. "Nonfiction Chronicle." The New York Times. July 16, 2006.
8. Imam Feisal Abdul Rauf (Author).
9. McKelvey, Tara.
10. Albright, Madeleine 12.
11. Albright, Madeleine 104.
12. Albright, Madeleine 231.
13. Albright, Madeleine 302 (Afterword).
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