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Angela Choi
Author's Bio
Myra Marx Ferree was born on Oct. 10, 1949. Ferree was a professor of sociology and director of the Center for German and European studies at the University of Wisconsin-Madison, where she was also a member of the Women's Studies Program. In 2005, Ferree was a Berlin Prize Fellow at the American Academy in Berlin. In 2004 she was the Maria Jahoda Visiting Professor at the Ruhr University Bochum. Her works focuses on comparisons between U.S. and German feminists' movements and gender policies developments since the 1960s. Ferree has been a winner of the Jessie Bernard Award, vice president of the American Sociological Association, president of the Sociologists for Women in Society and the deputy editor of the Ameican Sociological Review. Other books written by her include Revisioning Gender, Feminist Organizations, Global Feminism, and Shaping Abortion Discourse.
The Feminist Movement
In Controversy and Coalition: The New Feminist Movement across Three Decades of Change, Myra Marx Ferree and Beth B. Hess present an overview of the American women's movement across "three decades of change" from the 1960s to the 1990s. Ferree and Hess describe the diversity of the movements various groups of supporters and ideological positions, outlining the numerous issues the movement fought against, as the women's social conditions changed. The "four distinct strands in a very complex phenomenon" include career feminism, liberal feminism, socialist feminism, and radical feminism, which have all contributed to the movement despite "conflicting goals and strategies."1 In this book, Ferree and Hess attempt to "present each form of contemporary feminism in its own terms an in relation to the whole that incorporates both an insider's and outsider's perspective."2
After the passage of the Suffrage Amendment of 1920, little remained of a nationally organized women's movement. The passage of the Suffrage Amendment of 1920 was the only shared goal that "held such a diverse collection of groups together"3 that once it was passed, "few other issues or interests linked women across regional, class, age, and cultural divisions."4Instead "major demographic and social trends" transformed the lives of American women between 1920 and 1960 "[producing] a new feminist consciousness rooted in everyday experience."5 These new changes occurred in areas of employment, education, and family life. One of the most significant changes took place in the labor force. In 1920, women composed 20 percent of the civilian labor force which had more than doubled in 1990. Even more surprising than the increase of women in the work force is the composition of the labor force. Forty three percent of blacks age sixteen and over were employed and young, unmarried women composed 77 percent of the labor force. Between 1960 and 1980, women under age forty-five worked in the labor force which can be characterized as "limited departure" as mothers "interrupted employment for increasingly shorter periods of child raising."6 The acceptance of women in the world of politics has been a slow process. Between 1920 and 1970, few women ran for office, and even fewer were elected. As late as 1984, there were only two women members of the House of Representatives. Up to the 1970s, women who were interested in politics were the "envelope stuffers and stamp-lickers without whom many a male candidate could not have won."7 Politically active women with similar political experience as men lacked an independent constituency to give them authority within the party and were rarely elected to office. To understand feminism, one must first be aware of the feminist principles. The first and most basic claim of feminism is that "women are a special category of people with certain characteristics in common, whether owing to biology, or experience, whether fixed or historically and culturally variable."8 The second principle is that only women should define what feminism is. No man has the authority and control over a woman's life. It is for women to say "what women are like, what women want, what women enjoy, and what women can do."9 The third principle is a recognition of and dissatisfaction with living in a "man's world," where "men define a "good" woman as one who meets their expectations, who serves and pleases them, who follows the rules they have created."10 The fourth claim is that feminism makes for radical changes: "to end men's unjust power, and claim for women what is rightfully theirs."11 Shulamith Firestone in the Dialectic of Sex suggests that Sigmund Freud is correct that women envied men, but she argues that it was not "the penis itself but the social power that goes it that is the object of envy." Due to the controversial question among feminists of whether or not women or unique or special in any way, led some scholars to divide feminists into two opposing groups: "equality feminists," or "minimalists," and "difference feminists," or maximalists." Equality feminists downplay gender differences, urging equality of treatment in all circumstances; and difference feminists claim that women's responsibilities for nurturing children have led to a development of "distinctive personality traits and values that the society should affirm and accommodate."12
Between 1963 and 1972 a "bureaucratic" strand and a "collectivist" strand of feminism emerged. Bureaucratic organizations are concerned with achieving "concrete goals, while for collectivist organizations the means are as important, if not more so, than the ends of action."13 The ideal type of bureaucratic organization is characterized by a "formal division of labor, written rules, universal standards, of performance, hierarchical offices, impersonal relationships, technical expertise, and individualistic achievement norms."14 Unlike the ideal bureaucratic organization, the ideal collectivist organization is characterized as a "community of like-minded persons, with minimal division of labor, rules, or differential rewards; interaction among staff is wholistic, personalized, informal, and designed to achieve consensus."15Bureaucratic organizations appealed to women facing specific obstacles and seeking concrete changes, while collectivist organizations attracted people from the student resistance movements and youthful veterans with anti-authoritarian principles. In 1971 the National Organization for Women (NOW) founded the Women's Equity Action League. The WEAL sought to achieve equality through the use of lobbying and lawsuits. Another addition to the bureaucratic strand in 1971 was the National Women's Political Caucus, a bipartisan association with the goals of promoting women's issues within two national political parties and encouraging more women to enter politics. The media became an important source for publicizing the women's movement. The 1970s experienced a boom in feminist publishing. Different feminist groups established their own journals and newspapers. However, circulation was limited and in 1972 Ms.: A magazine for Women attempted to reach a mass-circulation market. The development of a feminist audience in the 1970s encouraged women to open publishing firms and collectives. By 1980, there were more than seventy women's bookstores in over thirty states. Even thought the feminist movement had existed for several years, it became "real as soon as the reporters and cameras focused on it."16
With the expansion of the New Feminist Movement, increased dispute arose as well. Problems in the American Law enforcement system were realized in cases of rape and sexual assault. Throughout the 1970s "rape was still treated as a joke, a sexual turn on, and even as sign of male accomplishment, but rarely as a physical assault."5 As a result, women took self-defense training. Realizing that providing services to rape victims and raising pubic awareness was not enough, direct action groups made institutional changes. Many states changed their laws to eliminate the demand for witnesses or evidence of rape and removed laws that exempted husbands from prosecution for sexual assault on their wives. Among the disputes was a debate against homosexual women. A majority of the delegates to NOW'S 1971 convention passed a resolution approving "a woman's right to define and express her own sexuality and to choose her own life-style."17 Due to the difference between lesbians and heterosexual women, conflicts arose. Separatists sought to build an all-woman world while lesbians hoped to achieve social justice through working with men. Another major issue focused on abortion and reproductive rights. On January 22, 1973, the Supreme Court voted that outlawing abortions under all circumstances violated a woman's right to privacy. However, the state's interest in protecting the health of the mother and the life of a potential fetus led to the Court's rule that during the first three months of pregnancy, the state could not intervene in a woman's decision; but during the second trimester, states could intervene for the purpose of protecting the health of the mother and the baby; and in the final twelve weeks of pregnancy, the state could outlaw abortions. To protect their gains and accomplishments, the feminists underwent many attacks from the backlash movement.
From 1983 to 1992, the efforts of the women's movement were directed at defending feminist perspectives and programs. This period is known as the "defensive consolidation." An important achievement of the feminist organization in the 1970s was an agreement on that "women should ought to be able to walk the streets in safety and to feel secure in their homes and workplaces."18 Feminists have addressed various behaviors that constitute to sexual violence such as workplace harassment, physical abuse in the home, rape, and incest. However, anti-feminists have backlashed by claiming that "date rate is a myth and that women are "whining" about outcomes that they have either invited or imagined."19 In 1986, the Supreme Court declared the illegality of sexual harassment in Meritor Bank v. Vinson. The Civil Rights Act of 1991 included penalties for sexual harassment. The women's movement of the 1970s condemned violence against children and wives. They defined it as a form of illegal abuse and provided shelters for fleeing women. However, many Americans continued to support a "man's right to coerce obedience and sexual compliance from his wife."20 In the 1980s feminist organizations began to devote more attention to the problems of women who defended themselves from physical assault. Although the women's movement had accomplished many goals, half of the female labor, especially women of color received low wages. Compared to the average incomes of year-round full-time worker in 1991, women earned 74 cents for every dollar earned by a man. By the end of the decade, many state governments had made adjustments in their wage-setting policies. As in the nineteenth century, the past three decades have witnessed "a large number of highly visible "breakthroughs": the first woman jockey, the first woman firefighter, the first woman astronaut, the first woman Supreme Court Justice, the first women vice-presidential nominee, and so on."21 The future of American feminism will not rely on those who are already "activists of one sort or another, but also on the next generation of women whose influence is just beginning to be felt."22
Myra Marx Ferree and Beth B. Hess write about new feminism and the various types of feminisms. Feree and Hess attempt to take a different look at the "status of American women and of feminist thought, actions, and organization in the 75 years since the passage of the suffrage amendment"23 The goal of Ferree and Hess is to present each form feminism in its own name and in relation to the entire Feminist Movement that incorporates both a participants and reader's perspective.
Ferree and Hess's own feminist points of view have changed as the movement itself has grown and evolved influencing Ferree and Hess to write a revised edition. Ferree and Hess believe that it is "impossible to write of the organized feminist movement without placing it in the context of many diverse strands of feeling and action."24 They believe that "oversimplification characterizes much of what has been written about the contemporary women's movement."25 Ferree and Hess believes this is due to a failure to appreciate the diversity of movement organizations and the tendency of the observer to write about their own perspective rather than to take into account the points of view of diverse participants. Ferree and Hess's participation in the women's movement allows them to appreciate each other's perspective and come to understanding the diversity of feminism in new ways.
In his review, Jo Freeman argues that a new book on the feminist movement has long been needed and Ferree and Hess's book "fills part of the gap by reviewing and reinterpreting the shorter studies and wealth of data on the status of women that has been accumulating."26 The authors argue that the "roots of feminism can be found in three distinct traditions: moral reform...classical reform...and socialism."27 Career feminists seek equality in the labor force and increased pay for women. Liberal feminists seek changes in the law particularly in the areas of protection. Socialist feminists seek to change society as whole not just the position of women. Radical feminists seek to transform the individual mind and reject society's values through the creation of a feminist movement. The authors argue that while leaders of feminist organizations share beliefs with Black and labor leaders, they have not yet created an alliance. The authors also feel that the antifeminist movement was inevitable for the feminist movement challenges every "male-dominated authority structure."28 The strength of the book lies in the fact that the authors have participated in the movement and therefore are knowledgeable of their subject. Ferree has participated in both Germany's and America's feminists movements. Taking into account the perspective of diverse feminist groups, the reader receives insight into the various goals of the feminist movement. The book informs us of the various feminists groups such as the liberal, career, radical and social feminists. The book covers every aspect of the feminist movement from economic, to political, to social. The weakness of the book lies in its bias, supporting only the women's points of views. Also, it lacks the insight into the participation of colored women and women of other ethnicities. The feminist movement has made a significant impact on American history. Before the feminist movements, women were denied economic, political and social rights. Women were forced to work as domestic housewives and unable to receive a decent education. Not only that, they were denied the right to vote, but prevented from making advances toward women's right movement. Due to the many accomplishments of the women's movement, women of all color, age, and social background have equal opportunities and equal rights. For the first time, women were allowed to work outside of their home and live their lives as they chose. Men no longer have supreme authority over their lives. Women are to as intellectually capable as men. All females are allowed to go to school where they would receive the same quality of education as the males. Women's choice in reproduction are no longer controlled by their husbands. The "historical roots of feminism in moral reform, liberal, and socialist worldviews continue to shape individuals' interpretations of what they want to and how to get it."29
The New Feminist Movement according to Ferree and Beth "achieved full equality and self-determination for all women."30 Higher levels of education and increased women's participation in the labor force combined with ongoing discrimination and changing family relationships set the stage for a wide rebirth of feminism in the United States. Conflicts within the different feminist groups made the term "sisterhood" ironic. White women made gains in profession such as becoming doctors, lawyers, and accountants. Colored women remained in the work force. Divorce and abortions became common. Homosexuality was accepted and more women were accepted in political offices. Increased equality was gained for women of color and different ethnicities. Women founded their own publishing companies and led to the rise of feminist newspapers. Laws were made to prosecute those who committed rape and sexual harassment to protect women. Women were free to speak their minds and protest for their cause.
The Feminist Movement created many significant changes in American society. Through the hard efforts of the feminist movement, many benefits were achieved for women. Without the feminist movement the United State would not be the way it is today. The movement has impacted the American cultural history, politics, and economics. Due to the feminist movement women are now able to live freely with no limitations and restrictions. The future of American feminism will "not only depend on the millions of women who are already activists of one sort or another, but also on the net generation of women whose influence is just beginning to be felt."31 Because feminism cannot be a "form of received wisdom across generations but is an active interpretation of the realities of women's own lives and struggles, the feminism of the future will continue to be reborn differently in every generation."32
Endnotes
1. Ferree, Myra Marx, and Hess. Beth B. Controversy and Coalition: The New Feminist Movement across Three Decades of Change. New York: Dwayne, 1994
1. Ferree, Myra and Hess, Beth 1.
2. Ferree, Myra and Hess Beth intro.
3. Ferree, Myra and Hess Beth 1.
4. Ferree, Myra and Hess Beth 1.
5. Ferree, Myra and Hess Beth 2.
6. Ferree, Myra and Hess Beth 3.
7. Ferree, Myra and Hess, Beth 20
8. Ferree, Myra and Hess, Beth 32.
9. Ferree, Myra and Hess, Beth 32.
10. Ferree, Myra and Hess, Beth 32.
11. Ferree, Myra and Hess, Beth 45.
12. Ferree, Myra and Hess, Beth 45
13. Ferree, Myra and Hess, Beth 57.
14. Ferree, Myra and Hess, Beth 57.
15. Ferree, Myra and Hess, Beth 57.
16. Ferre, and Myra and Hess, Beth 83.
17. Ferree, and Myra and Hess, Beth 118.
18. Ferree, and Myra and Hess, Beth 165.
19. Ferree, and Myra and Hess, Beth 166.
20. Ferree, and Myra and Hess, Beth 169.
21. Ferree, and Myra and Hess, Beth 205.
22. Ferree, and Myra and Hess, Beth 218.
23. Ferree, and Myra and Hess, Beth ix (intro).
24. Ferree, and Myra and Hess, Beth ix (intro).
25. Ferree, and Myra and Hess, Beth 216.
26. Jo Freeman, Contemporary Sociology, Volume 15, Number 1, 54.
27. Jo Freeman, Contemporary Sociology, Volume 15, Number 1, 54.
28. Ferree, and Myra and Hess, Beth Jo Freeman, Contemporary Sociology, Volume 15, Number 1, 54.
29. Ferree, and Myra and Hess, Beth 195.
30. Ferree, and Myra and Hess, Beth 218.
31. Ferree, and Myra and Hess, Beth 219.
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