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Ann Lin
Author's Bio
Kristin Rowe-Finkbeiner was born on December 17, 1970. She is co-founder and Executive Director of MomsRising.org, a network that has attracted over 90,000 members nationwide. In 2006, she was awarded the Excellence in Journalism award by the Society of Professional Journalists, as well as the Ernesta Drinker Ballard Book Prize for The Motherhood Manifesto in 2007. She presently works as an author, freelance journalist, and political consultant for clients including the Washington Environmental Alliance for Voter Education.
The End to Flagrant Feminism
When did feminism become synonymous with term "feminazi"? In a startling contrast to the proud feminists of the pre- and post-suffrage eras, young women of today shy away from stark feminist labels and black and white classification. Feminism in the Third Wave has become more a perspective than a cause in and of itself. In this budding new culture of open-mindedness, the focal message is one of empowerment in choice, not simply in opportunity; in essence, their maxim reads, "There are many ways to be a woman" and that women find power in choosing their own pathway. 2 Unlike the feminists of the First and Second Waves, however, Third-Wavers fail to pair cultural revolution with electoral revolution, a rapidly escalating disaster evidenced by the continual paltry showings at local and federal elections and a trend that has caused campaigns to virtually disregard the youth vote in elections. In The F-Word: Feminism in Jeopardy, Kristin Rowe-Finkbeiner traces the roots of feminism from the colonial period to the present day, attempting to pinpoint the shift from boisterous elections to the lack of young female contribution to the electoral process, and to validate the value of the political system.
The First Wave of feminism hit during the birth of the United State, when Abigail Adams famously asked her husband to "remember the ladies" in the Declaration of Independence.3 It stretched through the first women's rights convention in Seneca Falls of 1848, and through the disappointment of the Fifteenth Amendment, the amendment granting suffrage to the newly freed slaves, where the word "sex" was markedly absent. This was an era of marches and protests, which inevitably led to jail time, fines, and hunger strikes每all duly endured for the sake of the cause. An amendment for a women's right to vote was first introduced in 1878, and every year thereafter until the 19th Amendment finally passed in 1920. This revolutionary time changed women from "voiceless dependents [in]to independent thinkers" and saw the beginnings of contraceptive devices and enthusiastic female participation in voting.4 The Second Wave integrated both racial tension and generational tension into the feminist movement, fighting hard for legislative victories that granted considerable rights to women. This leads to the Third-Wave, the not-so-unified movement comprised of factions that focus more on a cultural approach than on garnering victories through voting. In this new generation of the 1980s, where females have enjoyed educational, vocational, and reproductive rights for their entire lifetime, there is no doubt that this continual opening up of options has led to an altered political agenda. The Pill, as well as the increasing objectification of female sexuality in the media and abstinence-only education, is discussed as influences on Third Wave feminism.
In response to a poll distributed by Rowe-Finkbeiner to women on college campuses across the country, replies poured in that revealed a pervasive change in the opinion of young women about their involvement in feminism. When asked about the top three social issues facing women today, the top ten responses were ones "many assumed were solved long ago"每gender equality, reproductive rights, self-identity, work and family balance, violence against women, economic issues, health care, education, societal and media images of women, and civic engagement.5 One by one, Rowe-Finkbeiner tackles each of these issues, examining the input of young women and the disturbing reality that reveals a lasting inequality of the sexes. She reveals, through the survey answers, that there still exists a prevalent discontent with the state of female empowerment, that the young women of today still have many of the same worries of the past. Indeed, the essence of the third-wave mantra is "that real social change is achieved indirectly through cultural actions, or simply carried out through pop-culture twists and transformations," an ideal that results in the absence of a cohesive legislative movement.6 For so many today, the idea that "personal experiences [are] political enough" has meant the lack of a unified political action, a tendency that places prescription-drug benefits (but not rising tuition costs) in the political spotlight.7
One especially dramatic development of the Third Wave is the changing structure and flexibility of relationships. Although it was just a generation ago when "women lost their independence as soon as the wedding band slipped over their finger," young women are now delaying marriage or even opting out of marriage completely.8 Being single is now an accepted lifestyle, not a social stigma, but rather a prolonged state of independence. Revolutions in same-sex unions and divorces, too, prove that expectations of women in marriages are now changing, that the role of a female in a relationship is reaching towards higher independence. Motherhood, also a testy subject for feminists, remains a problematic region where the issues of maternity leave, the rising cost of child-care and the delegating of the burden of child-raising on women has led to a new system of sequencing, where women sequence in and out of the workforce according to the needs of their children. Sequencing is a compromise between a professional career and full-time parenthood, where women leave the workforce in the crucial years of their children's lives, but come back soon after their child has grown old enough.
The real issue of voter apathy comes down to the point that cultural change is not political change. A lack of first-hand experience with political success, as well as a dislike for the polarization of elections, dramatically reduces the appeal of politics to the Third Wavers. The return of the women's movement in the 1960s, gaining momentum with the civil rights movement, was "mobilized, focused, and highly active, with a broad base of citizen involvement"; it was, essentially, everything the Third Wave is not.9 Kim Gandy, president of National Organization for Women (NOW) advises, "Participation in the political process is essential"每a concept foreign to the personalized feminism of the 1980s and beyond.10 In this last section, Rowe-Finkbeiner includes resources for women looking to run for office, to learn about candidates, and to join an organization, as well as tips for drawing in other women into the electoral process. She urges, simply, for young women to take up the responsibility left behind by the First and Second Wave and to do their part to ensure that the precious rights so laboriously acquired throughout the ages be tirelessly and aggressively protected.
Through analysis of feminism's roots and first-hand opinions of women, Rowe-Finkbeiner attempts to decipher the changing faces of feminism. Her key question reads: "By focusing on cultural, not electoral, politics are young women giving their power away?"11 The resounding answer is yes, that a movement cannot exist solely as a cultural development and still expect to gain strides in the legislative field. Caught in the tail end of the Second Wave and in the beginning of the Third Wave, Rowe-Finkbeiner views the feminism of today as laudable, but unable to truly acquire lasting change in any legislative policy that would more effectively initiate widespread improvements in female rights that through simply personal actions and choices. Clearly, she does not share the intense loathing of labels and polarized elections that most young women possess, but she understand why this new generation of anti-status quo feels that their value is in their own life, that they should not have to choose between one or the other, that there is always a compromise. Thus, she presents a more objective analysis of electoral activism, one that admits its pitfalls, but frankly adheres to a basic political fact, that "politicians ignore those who don't vote."12
Far from the commonplace inspirational pick-me-up, The F-Word proves to be a hard-hitting, almost painfully blunt expos谷 of the alarming trends of today's young women. Critics note her close examination of the youth movement, on and off campus, as well as her brisk comebacks to the "why bother voting" excuses. In her book review titled "For young women today, feminism and politics are dirty words," Kimberly Marlowe Hartnett of the Seattle Times warns that "If you're a feminist and you've lived long enough to see bell bottoms come in and out of style twice, this book is bound to bum you out."13 However, she still enthusiastically endorses the book as a resource of truths and hard facts that are all too often brushed aside or buried away in today's society. Hartnett recaps the main points of the book每the aversion to the feminist label, the eerie absence of 19 million female voters in the 2000 presidential election, the urgent need for females to join the political process每and praises the author for taking a firm stance in demanding that young voters fulfill their duty. According to Hartnett, Rowe-Finkbeiner knows better than most the impact of the political route and that her experience in the environmental and political-action arenas has given her the right to rant about voter apathy.
In a similarly positive critique, Rachel Fudge's "Why they resist their right to vote" printed in the San Francisco Chronicle, commends Rowe-Finkbeiner for turning the spotlight away from female political candidate and directing it towards female voters. Tracing the tone of feminism from euphoric to disappointed, Fudge points out that The F-Word is "downright chastising, complete with metaphorical finger-wagging, parental-style pleading and an overall implication that young women have let down their side."14 She highlights the last third of the book as the strongest portion, a novel attack of electoral politics that is both jarring and convincing, and a stark forewarning of the fragility of countless female rights. As a feminist herself, Fudge understands the lack of appeal of Rowe-Finkbeiner's approach to vote first, and question gender roles later, but concedes that she is absolutely right, that even the most seemingly insignificant local election has a grip on the future of women. In a sense, she extracts the message of the book: "We can be as radical and anti-status quo as we wanna be, but we also have to participate in the system in order to make it truly represent us"每and urges other feminists to take a hard look at the necessity of political activism to bring about social change.15
Without indulging in trite motivational speech or reverting to fire and brimstone preaching, Rowe-Finkbeiner issues a clear but delicate admonition about the state of feminism today每that the apparent complacency and lack of political contribution of young women today places them squarely in danger of losing the very rights the past generations fought so loudly and boisterously for. Through countless statistics and survey responses garnered from women of a range of ages, life situations, and political involvement, she soundly builds a foundation for her case, revealing a widespread inclination away from the political arena and towards a solely cultural tactic. She follows feminism back to its roots, brushing up on the beginnings and looking more in depth on the last few waves of feminism and how exactly they evolved. Instead of simply urging women to take an active role, she shows the effects of such involvement and the consequences of voter apathy, and addresses each of the concerns that might be drawing young women away from the voting booths. Her points, though repetitive, pound their way into the reader's mind, extinguishing one by one any lingering doubts about the value of political action. Hartnett's review hit right on target, however每don't expect a sappy, inspirational message about female empowerment and a you-can-do-it attitude; Rowe-Finkbeiner curbs none of her reprimands for the failure of young women today to see the value of politics. In fact, she all but demands that women uphold the achievements of yesterday, and to, before its too late, let go of their obstinate avoidance of black and white viewpoints in politics. She asks, uncompromisingly: "Are young women willing to sit back and watch the gains of the last century be systematically eroded?"16 Her answer? There is hope, there is possibility, there is always a way to effect real change through voting and political action.
The period of the 1970s through the year 2000 marked a tsunami of change that swept the feminist movement through every potential area of conflict. It followed close behind the beginnings of legalized abortions, furthered the female encroachment into higher positions in the workforce, and saw revolutionary changes to the accepted standards of women's roles in their relationships and in marriage. According to Rowe-Finkbeiner, the magnitude of the victories of the Second Wave washed the Third Wave into an almost post-feminist state of being, a complacency in the idea that "the fight for equality and respected treatment is over and done."17 It is because of this complacency that women's issues have in some cases deteriorated, losing precious ground because of a failure to actively promote such causes.
The impact of this era on America today is easily seen. Studies that unequal sharing of household chores leads to depression in women helped trigger a trend of greater involvement in the upkeep of the house by husbands. New ideals of independence and self-reliance have females choosing to stay single, choosing to be a single mom, as an emblem of empowerment in choice. The work of feminists, however, is far from over. The wage gap, though not wholly intentional, is still undeniably present, along with the persistent fight against abortion, the skewed standards of body image and self-identity, and the sobering statistics of violence against women that continue to point towards social and psychological gender inequality. The need for action is unquestionable; however the methods of the Third Wave have proved less than effective. There is a desperate need for young women to understand that when they "don't vote or support candidates, their nonparticipation speaks loud and clear to candidates and campaigns, saying, 'Ignore me.'"18
Feminism has reached new heights in the Third Wave, bringing about an era of increased fluidity in the definitions of sexuality, relationships, and lifestyles. Despite this apparent opening of countless doors to females, there remain equally countless issues that continue to plague the lives of women. The fa?ade of change hides a festering culture of determined opposition and a united group of opponents who exploit the electoral process at the expense of the voting-loathing youths. The one big crisis? The idea that "electoral apathy is killing a movement" and that a widespread avoidance of the election booths has allowed opponents to slowly whittle away at the victories of the past and prevent issues of females today from reaching the political limelight.19 That the 144-year-long battle for the vote ended in an anti-climatic absence of 19 million female voters in the 2000 presidential election serves to underscore the urgency for a change in tactic, a change that must evolve past a solely cultural method and must be followed defiantly into a new realm of manipulating the electoral process to cater to the needs of females. Now is the time, Kristin Rowe-Finkbeiner asserts, for young women to "reclaim the f-word."20
Endnotes
1. Rowe-Finkbeiner, Kristin. The F-Word: Feminism in Jeopardy. Emeryville, California: Avalon Publishing Group, Inc., 2004.
2. Rowe-Finkbeiner, Kristin 13.
3. Rowe-Finkbeiner, Kristin 20.
4. Rowe-Finkbeiner, Kristin 23.
5. Rowe-Finkbeiner, Kristin 59.
6. Rowe-Finkbeiner, Kristin 88.
7. Rowe-Finkbeiner, Kristin 104.
8. Rowe-Finkbeiner, Kristin 130.
9. Rowe-Finkbeiner, Kristin 204.
10. Rowe-Finkbeiner, Kristin 208.
11. Rowe-Finkbeiner, Kristin 17.
12. Rowe-Finkbeiner, Kristin 246.
13. Hartnett, Kimberly Marlowe. "For young women today, feminism and politics are dirty words." The Seattle Times 24 Sept 2004, 1-2. 28 May 2007 , 1.
14. Fudge, Rachel. "Why they resist their right to vote." San Francisco Chronicle 24 Oct 2004 1-3. 28 May 2007 , 1.
15. Fudge Rachel 2-3.
16. Rowe-Finkbeiner, Kristin 221.
17. Rowe-Finkbeiner, Kristin 32.
18. Rowe-Finkbeiner, Kristin 56.
19. Rowe-Finkbeiner, Kristin 235.
20. Rowe-Finkbeiner, Kristin 263.
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